Single-winner ranked ballot. Voters rank candidates 1, 2, 3… Lowest-placed candidate eliminated each round, their votes transferred to next preference, until one candidate has >50% of remaining votes.
Used in Australian House of Representatives elections. Proposed for Westminster in the 2011 UK referendum — rejected 68% to 32% (low turnout, ~42%).
Disadvanages of AV
Not proportional
- Still single-member constituencies, still winner-takes-all at the end
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Can produce results as disproportionate as FPTP in practice
- e.g. modelling of 2010 election under AV suggested broadly similar outcome to FPTP, just with a bigger Lib Dem bloc
Complexity
- Harder to explain than a simple X in the box
- Multiple counting rounds slow down declaration of results
- 2011 referendum campaign relied heavily on “too complicated” messaging
Can still elect a candidate most voters ranked last
- Depends on transfer patterns — a polarising candidate who is many voters’ first choice can still win despite being widely disliked
- Contrast with STV where preferences are pooled across a whole quota rather than one seat
Exhausted ballots
- Voters who don’t rank enough candidates can have their ballot “exhaust” before the final round if all their ranked candidates are eliminated
- Effectively disenfranchises those voters in the deciding round
Advantages of AV
Majority winner in each seat
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Ensures the winning candidate has support from >50% of those who expressed a valid preference, unlike FPTP’s plurality winners
- e.g. Hendon 2024-style knife-edge pluralities avoided
Reduces tactical voting
- Voters can rank a small-party favourite first without “wasting” their vote, since it transfers if eliminated
- Reduces the “wasted vote” argument used against FPTP
Keeps constituency link
- Retains single-member constituencies
- Same Burkean trustee/accountability logic as FPTP, without the winner’s-bonus distortion
Discourages extremist candidates
- Candidates need broad transferable appeal (second and third preferences), not just a concentrated core vote
- Arguably strengthens the “prevention of extremist parties” advantage claimed for FPTP